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Histoire du libéralisme en Europe Giampaolo Azzoni (Université de Pavie) / Liberté et loi dans la pensée de Bruno.

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Présentation au sujet: "Histoire du libéralisme en Europe Giampaolo Azzoni (Université de Pavie) / Liberté et loi dans la pensée de Bruno."— Transcription de la présentation:

1 Histoire du libéralisme en Europe Giampaolo Azzoni (Université de Pavie) / Liberté et loi dans la pensée de Bruno Leoni (1913-1967) Jeudi 6 mars 2003, 17h00 - 19h00

2 Ancona, 26 aprile 1913 Alpignano (Torino), 21 novembre 1967

3 The Lectures comprising this volume were delivered by Professor Bruno Leoni at Fifth Institute of Freedom and Competitive Enterprise [Claremont Mens College, Claremont, California] June 15 to June 18, 1958.

4 Lamitié avec von Hayek Chicago, 1953: la naissance de lamitié. Claremont (California), juin 1958: Fifth Institute of Freedom and Competitive Enterprise. Kassel, 1960: Bruno Leoni est élu secrétaire de la Mont Pelerin Society. Taiwan, 1965: mission détude de Leoni et von Hayek. Vichy, 1967: Bruno Leoni est élu président de la Mont Pelerin Society.

5 1 ère phase (1938-1942): la science du droit 2 ème phase (1946-1953): histoire et méthodologie de la science

6 3 ème phase (1954-1969): la maturité de la pensée




10 freedom from constraint Le concept de liberté en Bruno Leoni «Liberté» en Leoni est absence de contrainte, freedom from constraint (liberté négative) Pour Leoni il ne faut pas confondre liberté comme «absence de contrainte» et liberté du besoin, freedom from want (liberté positive) freedom from want

11 Deux concepts de «certitude du droit» Limportance de la certitude du droit pour léconomie According to Professor Hayek, the certainty of the Law is probably the most important requirement for the economic activities of society and has contributed much to the greater prosperity of the Western world as compared with the Orient, where the certainty of the law was not so early achieved. But he does analyze what the term certainty properly means when referred to the law. Pour Leoni, il y a deux concepts de «certitude du droit»

12 Deux concepts de «certitude du droit» short-run certainty of the lawlong-run certainty of the law the precision of written text emanating from legislators the possibility open to individuals of making long-run plans on the basis of a series of rules spontaneously adopted by people and eventually ascertained by judges through centuries and generations

13 Deux concepts de «certitude du droit» La short-run certainty nest pas véritable certitude: While legislation is almost always certain, that is, precise and recognizable, as long as it is in force, people can never be certain that the legislation in force today will be in force tomorrow or even tomorrow morning there is nothing to prevent a law, certain in the above-mentioned sense, from being unpredictably changed by another law no less certain than the previous one. short-run certainty of the law: certitude de lÉtat de droit long-run certainty of the law: certitude de la Rule of Law

14 Législation et science: deux phénomènes contradictoires de la modernité Les deux phénomènes plus importantes de la modernité … the increasing significance of legislation in almost all the legal systems of the world is probably the most striking feature of our era, besides technological and scientific progress. Mais avec des logiques tout à fait différentes the development of science and technology, on the one hand, and that of legislation, on the other, are based respectively on two completely different and even contradictory ideas.

15 Législation et science: deux phénomènes contradictoires de la modernité Le développement de la science est la preuve de la faillite des décisions à la majorité ou sous contrainte No truly scientific result has ever reached through group decisions and majority rule. [...] the history of modern science [...] constitutes the most convincing evidence of the failure of decision groups and group decisions based on some coercive procedure and more generally of the failure of constrained exercised over individuals as a pretended means of promoting scientific progress and of achieving scientific results. science and technology: individual initiative and individual freedom legislation: authority, contingent majorities, representation

16 La critique de lidéologie de la représentation politique The mythology of our age is not religious, but political, and its chief myths seem to be representation of the people, on the hand, and the charismatic pretension of political leaders to be in possession of the truth representation, like legislation, is something altogether extraneous to the procedures adopted for scientific and technological progress. la représentation politique nest pas une véritable représentation (au sens du droit privé): in order to restore to the word representation its original, reasonable meaning, there should be a drastic reduction either in the number of those represented or in the number of matters in regard to which they are allegedly represented, or in both Il y a une véritable démocratie seulement dans les cas où il a la règle de lunanimité ou dans les Landsgemeinden de la Suisse no group decision, if it not unanimous, is the expression of a will common to all the people who participate in that decision

17 Représentation vs. volonté commune This will is common in the sense that all those individuals who participate in manifesting and exercising it in a community are free to do so, while all those who eventually do not agree are equally free to do so in their turn without being forced by other people to accept their decision. a majority of the purported representatives of the people the will that emerges from the collaboration of all the people concerned, without any recourse to group decisions and decision groups common will

18 Représentation vs. volonté commune This common will creates and keeps alive words in the ordinary language as well as agreements and engagements among various parties without any need of coercion in relations among individuals; exalts popular artists, writers, actors, or wrestlers; and creates and keeps alive fashions, rules of courtesy, moral rules, and so on.

19 Lillusion de la législation et sa faillite épistémologique La critique menée par Ludwig von Mises à léconomie centralisée nest quun cas particulier dune critique plus générale The fact that the central authorities in a totalitarian economy lack any knowledge of market prices in making their economic plans is only a corollary of the fact that central authorities always lack a sufficient knowledge of the infinite number of elements and factors that contribute to the social intercourse of individuals at any time and at any level. [...] its conclusions may be considered only as a special case of a more general realization that no legislator would be able to establish by himself, without some kind of continuous collaboration on the part of all the people concerned, the rules governing the actual behaviour of everybody in the endless relationships that each has with everybody

20 Découverte vs. création du droit Both the Romans and the English shared the idea that the law is something to be discovered more than to be enacted and that nobody is so powerful in his society as to be in position to identify his own will with the law of the land. The German word Rechtsfindung, i. e. the operation of finding the law, seems to render well the central idea of the Juristenrecht and of the Continental European jurists activity as a whole.

21 Législation imposée vs. droit pratiqué Legislation may have and actually has in many cases today a negative effect on the very efficacy of rules and on the homogeneity of the feelings and convictions already prevailing in a given society. For legislation may also deliberately or accidentally disrupt homogeneity by destroying established rules and by nullifying existing conventions and agreements that have hitherto been voluntarily accepted and kept.

22 Le modèle du droit privé romain Le droit privé romain avait un concept de certitude comme long- run certainty The Romans accepted and applied a concept of the certainty of the law that could be described as meaning that the law was never to be subjected to sudden and unpredictable changes. Le droit privé romain nétait pas un droit produit par la législation Private Roman law, which the Romans called jus civile, was kept practically beyond the reach of legislators during most of the long history of the Roman Republic end the Empire Le droit privé romain était plutôt découvert que produit private Roman Law was something to be described or to be discovered, not something to be enacted – a world of things that were there, forming part of the common heritage of all Roman citizens.

23 Le droit (publique et privé) selon Caton Is [Cato] dicere solebat ob hanc causam praestare nostrae civitatis statum ceteris civitatibus, quod in illis singuli fuissent fere quorum suam quisque rem publicam constituisset legibus atque institutis suis, ut Cretum Minos, Lacedaemoniorum Lycurgus, Atheniensium, quae persaepe commutata esset, tum Theseus, tum Draco, tum Solo, tum Clisthenes, tum multi alii, postremo exsanguem iam et iacentem doctus vir Phalereus sustentasset Demetrius, nostra autem res publica non unius esset ingenio, sed multorum, nec una hominis vita, sed aliquot constituta saeculis et aetatibus. Nam neque ullum ingenium tantum extitisse dicebat, ut, quem res nulla fugeret quisquam aliquando fuisset, neque cuncta ingenia conlata in unum tantum posse uno tempore providere, ut omnia complecterentur sine rerum usu ac vetustate. Cicero, De Republica, 2, 1, 2.

24 Le droit (publique et privé) selon Caton Egli [Catone] soleva dire che la nostra costituzione politica era superiore a quella degli altri stati, perché le leggi e le istituzioni non erano state opera di singoli uomini, come di Minosse a Creta, di Licurgo a Sparta, e di Teseo, di Dracone, di Solone, di Clistene e di molti altri in Atene, che mutò spesso la sua forma politica, finché ormai indebolita e prostrata, fu risollevata dallabilità di Demetrio Falero. La nostra costituzione, invece, non è sorta per opera di un solo uomo e di una sola generazione, ma nel corso di parecchie età e per virtù di molti uomini. Diceva infatti Catone che non vi fu mai ingegno tanto alto a cui nulla potesse sfuggire, e che neppure tanti ingegni riuniti insieme, senza lesperienza che deriva dal trascorrere del tempo, potrebbero in un solo momento storico prevedere tutto e a tutto provvedere. (Tr. it. di Anna Resta Barrile) Cicerone, Lo Stato, 2, 1, 2.

25 Le droit (publique et privé) selon Caton La constitution de notre cité, aimait-il [Caton] à dire, est supérieure à celle des autres cités, pour la raison suivante: là, ce furent en général des individus qui constituèrent leurs États respectifs par leurs lois et leur organisation; par exemple pour la Crète, Minos, pour Lacédémone, Lycurgus, pour Athènes, qui changea si souvent de Régime, ce furent dabord Thésée, puis Dracon, Solon, Chlisthène, puis beaucoup dautres, et enfin le savant Démétrius de Phalère qui, lorsquelle était déjà exsangue et terrassée, réussit à la ranimer. Notre État, au contraire, na pas été constitués par lintelligence dun seul homme, mais par celle dun grand nombre; et non au cours dune seule vie dhomme, mais par des générations, pendant plusieurs siècles. Il na jamais existé, disait-il, un génie assez grand pour ne rien laisser échapper de tous les faits, et tous les génies réunis pour nen faire quun seraient incapables, à un moment donné de prendre de sages mesures, en embrassant toute la réalité, sils manquaient de lexpérience que donne une longue durée. (tr. fr. par Esther Bréguet) Cicerone, La République, 2, 1, 2.

26 Famous scholars have noted the lack of individuality of the Roman jurists. Savigny called them fungible personalities. This lack of individuality was a natural counterpart of their individualistic view of the private laws they were studying. Private law was conceived of by them as a common inheritance of each and all of the Roman citizens. Therefore, nobody felt entitled to change it at his own will. When changes occurred, they were recognized by the jurists as having already happened in their environment rather than being introduced by the jurists themselves.

27 Qui fait le droit the process of law-making is, or was, essentially a private affair concerning millions of people throughout dozen of generations and stretching across several centuries. the impersonal law of the land arbitrary will of particular mencommon citizens legislative assembliesordinary men in the street

28 Le droit spontané spontaneous application of nonlegislated rules of behaviour On a un ordre spontané dans les cas de: ordinary language rules of courtesy moral rules customs common law free market agreements and engagements among various parties without any need of coercion fashions popular artists, writers, actors, or wrestlers

29 Lécole italienne du droit spontané / muet Roberto Ago Bruno Leoni Gino Gorla Rodolfo Sacco

30 Le droit comme équilibre dynamique des prétensions individuelles Le droit nest pas norme ou obligation (Hand Kelsen), mais prétension individuelle (claim) Prétensions juridiques quelle [...] pretese che hanno unelevata probabilità di essere soddisfatte dalle persone corrispondenti in una data società ed in un dato periodo, essendo variabili le ragioni per cui esse possono essere soddisfatte in ogni singolo caso, basate alternativamente o congiuntamente su norme morali o tecniche. Prétensions non-juridiques quelle pretese con scarsa o nessuna probabilità di essere soddisfatte dalle persone corrispondenti in circostanze normali (come quella di un rapinatore che agisce in pieno giorno in una strada affollata).

31 Une perspective de politique de droit contre la législation socialism and legislation are inevitably connected Il y a le risque de perpetual unrest and general oppression legislation in matters of private law is fundamentally incompatible with individual freedom la réduction de lespace des décisions dautorité I am convinced that the more we manage to reduce the large area occupied at present by group decisions in politics and in the law, with all their paraphernalia of elections, legislation, and so on, the more we shall succeed in establishing a state of affairs similar to that which prevails in the domain of language, of common law, of the free market, of fashion, of customs, etc., where all individual choices adjust themselves to one another and no individual choice is ever overruled.

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